Conflict

A domestic dispute between a female Special Constable and her lover left, left her in a critical condition after the 22 year old lass was stabbed eight times with a knife.. Mpilo Siviya of Area S location in Francistownis fighting for his dear life at Nyangabgwe Referral Hospitals Intensive Care Unit.

“Civil War is Africa’s self-inflicted wound. More than one African in five lives in a country that is fighting a war, and nearly 20 countries have experienced civil war since 1960. The continuing conflicts that ravage the African continent represent a heavy social and economic burden. During a war, most of the country’s resources tend to be diverted away from development and towards supporting the conflict – War is estimated to cost $1bn per year in Central Africa, without counting the cost of aiding refugees, which is estimated to be about $500m in the region” (Bolle, 2000: 61).

The objective of the thesis is to examine if failure of the country of origin to provide protection against gender-related violence from non-state actors, in circumstances where the motivation of the perpetrators is private, constitutes persecution of the kind referred to in Art 1A(2) of the Convention. Two questions are brought up in this context. First, is internal state protection relevant to the definition of the term “persecution”? This is important in gender-related claims by women who often face serious harm by non-state agents and need to show that they are persecuted even though state authorities are not inflicting the harm. Secondly, does the motive of the perpetrator have to relate to Convention reasons? When women face violence by private citizens, e.g. family members or husbands, the difficult requirement of establishing the motive of the perpetrator while in the state of refuge becomes a barrier to the recognition of refugee status. It is concluded that even though the four jurisprudences considered, the U.K., the U.S., Australia and Canada, follow “the protection view” in rewarding refugee protection, there is too much emphasis in all states except Canada on the persecutor and internal state protection when the term “persecution” is defined. But only in the U.S. is it required that the motivation of the non-state perpetrator is on account of one of the Convention reasons.

“It is more dangerous to be a woman than to be a soldier in modern conflict.” Patrick Cammaert (2008, former Deputy Force Commander of the United Nations Mission to the Democratic Republic of Congo [MONUC]) Sexual violence in conflict is not a new phenomenon. The saying goes that “rape is as old as war itself” and women have had the battlefield played out on their bodies for centuries around the world. But the wars in Bosnia-Herzegovina and Rwanda in the 1990s were a turning point. These conflicts brought about the term “rape as a weapon of war” as rape was carried out systematically, and was rategically used as a war tactic. Horrendous accounts of atrocities were documented and reported, and survivors spoke out about their experiences of gang rape, rape camps, rape slavery and forced pregnancy. The accounts not only fuelled global outrage and condemnation, but also spurred the international community to define the issue of sexual violence in conflict as a serious threat to peace and security. Activists and advocates around the world have worked tirelessly in the last two decades to put an end to rape as a weapon of war and the impunity enjoyed by perpetrators. Their efforts have resulted in United Nations (UN) Security Council resolutions to prevent the use of wartime rape, local and national campaigns to end violence against women, and support for survivors and their families. While these efforts have certainly helped to raise awareness about the severity and impact of sexual violence in conflict, the level of violence against women is by no means abating. Reports continue to surface with horrendous statistics and stories of women’s realities in conflict regions throughout the world. As recent reports from places such as Darfur, the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and Burma demonstrate, that reality is too true for too many women in this world. Clearly, more coordinated and targeted action is needed to put an end to rape as a weapon of war.

Civilians in Africa’s conflict zones-particularly women and children, but also men-are often vulnerable to sexual violence, including rape, mutilation, and sexual slavery. This violence is carried out by government security forces and non-state actors, including, rebel groups, militias, and criminal organizations. Some abuses appear to be opportunistic, or the product of a larger breakdown in the rule of law and social order that may occur amid conflict. Other incidents of sexual violence appear to be carried out systematically by combatants as a strategic tool to intimidate and humiliate civilian populations seen as sympathetic to opposing factions. While such abuses are by no means limited to Africa, weak institutions in many African states can mean that victims have little redress; in addition to health and psychological consequences, survivors are also often shunned by their families and communities. The issue has been particularly prevalent in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), where security forces, rebel organizations, militias, and other armed groups have inflicted sexual violence upon the civilian population on a massive scale. This report provides a detailed case study of DRC and an index of U.S. programs there. The issue of sexual violence in conflict is complex, with implications for international programs and policies related to health, humanitarian relief, global women’s issues, the justice sector, the security sector, and multilateral activities. Multiple U.S. government agencies and implementing partners contribute to efforts to prevent and respond to sexual violence in African conflicts, including the Department of State, the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID), the Department of Justice, and the Department of Defense, among others. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton has taken the lead on the Obama Administration’s initiative to address the issue through speeches, official travel, public remarks, writings, and actions at the United Nations. Still, concerns remain among some analysts that programmatic responses to the issue have lacked coordination between donors and among implementers. The 111th Congress has repeatedly expressed interest in bringing attention to the issue of sexual violence in African conflicts and support for programs to address it through legislation, hearings, and other congressional actions. Potential issues for Congress include the authorization and appropriation of targeted assistance programs and oversight of Administration policies and participation in multilateral activities.

The aim of this thesis is to seek an understanding of women’s human security in developing countries, and to ask whether the human security concept as such can live up to expectations as a practical guide to improving women’s lot. Iceland’s stance on aid provision and its promotion of gender issues is also examined, to see whether the country’s efforts are being directed to the right targets and for maximum effect. The subject is approached by introducing a historical summary of the rise of ‘human security’ thinking followed by a theoretical discussion of the concept. This twofold introduction provides a clearer picture of the concept’s utility and its limitations. To see how different security threats may face women within developing countries, the seven categories of human security defined in the 1994 UNDP report are then used to give a non-exhaustive review of the problems. This approach is then narrowed down to focus on Uganda as a test case. The results show that there can be no human security without including the dimension of gender, as gender equality is a precondition for human security. The review also highlights that despite the concept’s limits for framing practical policies, it does help in asking important questions. Finally Iceland’s international development efforts are shown to have increased considerably in recent years with many important steps taken to this end. In the same manner Iceland is shown to have increased its emphasis on issues of gender equality and women’s security, despite still having much to learn in this and other aspects of aid. Many hopeful prospects are in sight for Iceland in future: as a donor, a partner, and in terms of mutual learning about the true inter-linkages of gender, security and development.

“Civil War is Africa’s self-inflicted wound. More than one African in five lives in a country that is fighting a war, and nearly 20 countries have experienced civil war since 1960. The continuing conflicts that ravage the African continent represent a heavy social and economic burden. During a war, most of the country’s resources tend to be diverted away from development and towards supporting the conflict – War is estimated to cost $1bn per year in Central Africa, without counting the cost of aiding refugees, which is estimated to be about $500m in the region” (Bolle, 2000: 61).”Women’s contributions to war and peace have long been underestimated. In fact, women often contribute to the outbreak of violence and hostilities-in many cases, they are instrumental in inciting men to defend group interests, honour, and collective livelihoods. Women also play a key role in preserving order and normalcy in the midst of chaos and destruction. In times of conflict, when men engage in war and are killed, disappear or take refuge outside their country’s borders, it is women who are left with the burden of ensuring family livelihood. Women struggle to protect their families health and safety-a task which rests on their ability to cope pragmatically with change and adversity. It is therefore not surprising that women are also a driving force for peace” (Sorensen, 1998: iii). “Women’s under-representation or lack of involvement in official efforts at resolving internal state conflicts is taken as a given in most situations. While they often bear the brunt of the war brutalities, and are increasingly involved in combatant activities, they are seldom part of the inner circles of peace negotiations, peace accords, or policies at the formal level to resolve conflict” (Boyd, 1994: 3).

The Young Women’s Christian Association (YWCA) is working on a traditional concept – “sharing the snuff” or kusvutisana fodya /ukukhulena umulotha as a way of promoting conflict resolution. Snuff is a local tobacco product and the concept can be translated to mean truth, justice, forgiveness and reconciliation. This concept aims to bring people in conflict to a moment of shaking hands as a sign of truth telling, justice being served and forgiveness.

Which beats are assigned to male and female journalists is an indicator of how newsrooms view the roles of women and men in society. According to Glass Ceilings: Women and men in Southern Africa media research, women constitute 35% whilst men constitute 65% of the journalists who cover disaster/war/conflict beats. The assault of Lara Logan as she was covering the ousting of Mubarak in Egypt is thus an issue of concern for the media landscape and how far it respects the rights of female journalists. Three articles published in three different newspapers are analysed.

The recognition of three women in the Nobel Peace Prizes announced earlier this month came as a welcome variation to the long list of male names, but it also begged the question why women so rarely get the prize, and why when they do, they have to share it. All three of these are undoubtedly fighters for peace who deserve the prize. But in a world in which men cause and fight most of the wars while women suffer the consequences, there are surely many more examples of women peace makers.