Conflict

TIP is slowly turning out to be a reputable peace building organization, developing from the desire of some people and churches. It started without operational structures and with volunteers running the organisation.

We have realised the need to work through the local leadership and local government and have had some significant achievements in the last 10 years, this includes reduced insecurity in the border areas. In the last elections TIP brought politicians together to promote a peaceful election.

TIP is also looking at invigorating peace education in schools so that our children grow up in a culture of peace. This publication contains chapters on peace education in schools, cinema education and peace and conflict training as well as the media and peace.

The current instability in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) can be traced back to late former President Mobutu Sese Seko’s rule during the late 1980s. The country’s economic depression was exacerbated by the end of the Cold War in 1991, leading to disengagement with the international economic and political system. The DRC has been the source of numerous conflicts over many years. The 1990s saw the country’s peace and security degenerate further, creating challenges that continue to preoccupy the world today. In recent times, the epicentre of the violence in the DRC has been North and South Kivu (the Kivus). The dynamics in the two provinces are complex, causing the Great Lakes region to be characterised by huge human security challenges. This paper aims to contribute to a better understanding of the linkage between the conflicts in the Kivus and persistent periodic instability in the DRC. It delves into and critiques post-crisis recovery efforts implemented in the country since the end of the Second Congo War. The paper concludes that, among other strategies, resolving the various conflicts in the DRC depends on understanding the causes of specific clashes, such as those in the Kivus, as this can contribute to the uncovering of sustainable solutions to armed confrontation. The paper offers proposals which, if implemented, could contribute to moving the Kivus, and by extension the DRC, beyond intractability.

Contemporary Africa is faced with the reality of numerous evolving states that have to grapple with the inevitability of conflict. On their own, the fledgling institutions in these states cannot cope with the huge demands unleashed by everyday conflict. It is within this context that the complementarity between traditional institutions and the modern state becomes not only observable but also imperative.

In their publication “Gender, Conflict and PeaceÀ (2013),Dyan Mazurana and Keith Proctor state: “Contrary to popular belief, the academic literature increasingly argues that a strategy of non-violence is more effective than violence in achieving policy goals. According to data analyzed by Stephan and Chenoweth, between 1900 to 2006 non-violent campaigns were successful in achieving their policy goals 53 percent of the time, whereas violent campaigns only had a success rate of 26 percent. According to the authors, non-violence is successful political strategy because i) non-violent methods enhance domestic and international legitimacy, resulting in broader support and participation, and ii) regime violence against non-violent movement is more likely to backfire on the regime, particularly where this results in loyalty shifts from the regime .The evidence is being gathered, and women have been making their claims long enough. There are many taboos
surrounding the questioning of cultures of violence and militarization, which have become the invisible norm. However, it is part of the feminist reality to ask uncomfortable questions and address society’s taboos. What is needed now, is the political courage and willingness to invest in critical and ground breaking approaches that are looking into transforming our peace and security paradigms altogether.
This publication is a testimony to the increasing number of people-women and men-who are challenging the norms bestowed upon us. They are linking the dots and showing us how militarization is coming at us from many angles-including entering the private sphere through IT and financial services. This reality not only requires activists to enter new domains of work; it simultaneously urges
us all to keep on pushing for a transformative agenda in all these spaces, if real peace and security is to have a chance.

This Information Brief highlights the important contribution of Commonwealth member states in peacekeeping and peace-building missions around the world. Even though the Commonwealth does not have a Standby Force, the contribution of troops from member countries should not be underestimated, particularly the effective role of women as peacekeepers.

This new Commonwealth Plan of Action for Gender Equality 2005-2015 (PoA) provides the framework within which the Commonwealth will advance its commitment to gender equality and equity. The PoA incorporates the Commonwealth’s response to the differential impacts of global changes on women and men, builds on achievements to date, seeks to close persistent gaps and engages with new and emerging challenges.

The PoA will guide Commonwealth action for the 2005-2015 decade with a mid-term review in 2010 and updates as necessary. It will form part of the Commonwealth’s contribution to the Beijing+10 Global Review in 2005. Gender equality is one of the fundamental principles of the Commonwealth Heads of Government (CHOGM) Harare Declaration of 1991. The framework on gender equality has been provided by Commonwealth PoAs on Women and Development (1987) and Gender and Development (1995). The 1995 PoA, which formed part of the Commonwealth’s contribution to the Beijing Conference and Platform for Action (BPfA), made the paradigm shift from a focus on women to a gender mainstreaming approach. It was updated in 2000 to reflect emerging gender equality issues in the new millennium. The Update provided a framework for strategic interventions grouped under two priority policy areas: Human rights, peace and political participation; and macroeconomics and social development

This update focuses on the 16 days of activism against gender-based violence campaign and highlights a selection of key relevant resources featured in the BRIDGE global resources database.
This year’s theme is “Let’s challenge militarism and end violence against womenÀ. The campaign highlights three cross-cutting priority areas: 1) Violence Perpetrated by State Actors; 2) Proliferation of Small Arms in Cases of Intimate Partner Violence; and 3) Sexual Violence During and After Conflict.
In the lead up to, and during, this year’s campaign, participants highlighted the systemic nature of gender-based violence and militarism which encourages inequality and discrimination and prioritises weapons spending over funding for quality education and healthcare and safe public spaces. The culture of militarism builds on and protects systems of power by controlling dissent and using violence to settle economic, political and social disputes. Militarism draws on and perpetuates patriarchal models of political, economic, and social domination of people by a small number of elites and privileges violent masculinity as acceptable behaviour. The 16 Days Campaign focus on the intersections of gender-based violence and militarism is an effort to work toward a more equitable and peaceful world.

Three of the articles in this issue highlight the bad news about the tragedies and tenacities of fighting. Three focus on the good news about ways of resolving the fighting, and the first three also contain recommendations in this regard. As one reads about lethal conflict between government and rebel forces in neighbouring countries and ethnic groups, or between culturally, politically and/or economically antagonistic population sectors, you can become overwhelmed with pessimism, and even feel tempted to consider a laissez faire conclusion.

One can also read the same material, however, while bearing in mind that the possibility of change should never be ignored. In fact, it can be said with good reason that ‘[a]ll conflict is about change’ (Anstey 2006:3). After all, whenever an aggrieved party gets to the point of initiating a conflict, it is always (or almost always?) driven by its craving for having an unwanted status quo changed. The slogans and demands of such a party usually articulate clearly what the pivotal change is towards which they are struggling or fighting.

Maputo, 15 de Novembro: Moçambique adoptou um quadro legal sobre uso e aproveitamento da terra, que permite que mulheres e homens possam gozar desse direito, mesmo sendo a terra uma pertença do Estado, de acordo com a Constituição da República.

New York, 18 March: UN Special Representative on Sexual Violence in Conflict, Zainab Hawa Bangura spoke about how the UNFPA works in countries across the world that either are in conflict or post conflict situations to help prevent sexual violence and the use of women’s bodies as weapons of war.